Tài liệu Medica Sacra pptx

LINK DOWNLOAD MIỄN PHÍ TÀI LIỆU "Tài liệu Medica Sacra pptx": http://123doc.vn/document/1044636-tai-lieu-medica-sacra-pptx.htm

[1] Mr. Nathaniel Mead, who was at first destined to the service of religion, and preach'd two or three times at
the meeting house at Stepney, built by his father, after his ejection from the parish church: but taking a dislike
to theological studies, he applied himself to the law, and made as great a figure at the bar, as his brother did in
physick.
In the course of this tour, Mr. Mead commenced doctor in philosophy and medicine at Padua, the twenty-sixth
of August 1695, and afterwards spent some time at Naples and Rome: how advantageous to himself, as well
as how useful to mankind he rendered his travels, his works bear ample testimony.
About the middle of the year 1696, he returned home, and settled at Stepney, in the neighbourhood where he
was born: the success, he met with in his practice here, established his reputation, and was a happy presage of
his future fortunes. If it be remembered, that our author was, when he began to practise, no more than
twenty-three years old, that only three years, including the time taken up in his travels, were appropriated to
his medical attainments, it may be, not unreasonably, admitted, that nothing but very uncommon talents, join'd
to an extraordinary assiduity, could have enabled him to distinguish himself, at this early a period of life, in so
extensive, and so important a science.
In 1702, Dr. Mead exhibited to the public, a manifest evidence of his capacity for, as well as application to
medical researches, in his mechanical account of poisons; which he informs us was begun some years before
he had leisure to publish it. These subjects, our author justly observes, had been treated hitherto very
obscurely, to place therefore the surprizing phoenomena, arising from these active bodies in a more
intelligible light, was his professed intention; how well he succeeded, the reception this piece universally met
with, even from its first publication,[2] sufficiently declares. In 1708 he gave a new edition of it, with some
few additions, the principal of which consists in some strictures on the external use of mercury in raising
salivations. He has considerably further explained his sentiments upon the same head, in the edition of this
work printed in 1747.
[2] An abstract of this work was thought deserving a place in the philosophical transactions (Nº 283) for the
months of January and February 1703.
This last edition has received so many additions and alterations, as might almost entitle it to the character of a
new performance A stiffness of opinion has been but too commonly observed, especially among writers on
science; and age has been seldom found to have worn out this pertinacity: a favourite hypothesis has been
defended even in opposition to the most obvious experiments, with a degree of obstinacy ever incompatible
with the real interests of truth. On the contrary, our ingenious author has set before his literary successors, an
example of sagacity and fortitude, truely worthy of imitation, in the victory he obtained over these
self-sufficient pre-possessions; length of years was so far from rivetting in him an inflexibility of sentiment,
that, joined to a most extended experience, it served only to teach him, that he had been mistaken: his candid
retraction of what he thought to have been advanced amiss by himself, cannot be better expressed than in his
own words. "Neither have I, says he,[3] been ashamed on some occasions, (as the Latins said) cædere vineta
mea, to retrench or alter whatever I judged to be wrong. Dies diem docet. I think truth never comes so well
recommended, as from one who owns his error: and it is allowed that our first master never shewed more
wisdom and greatness of mind, then in confessing his mistake, in taking a fracture of a skull, for the natural
suture;[4] and the compliment, which Celsus[5] makes to him on this occasion, is very remarkable and just;"
nor is it less applicable to Dr. Mead at present than it was to the Coan sage in his day. "More scilicet, inquit,
magnorum virorum, & fiduciam magnarum rerum habentium. Nam levia ingenia, quia nihil habent, nihil sibi
detrahunt: magno ingenio, multaque nihilominus habituro, convenit etiam simplex veri erroris confessio;
præcipueque in eo ministerio, quod utilitatis causâ posteris traditur."
[3] Advertisement prefixed to the last edition of the essay on poisons, p. 4.
[4] Epidem. lib. iv. § 14.
Medica Sacra, by Richard Mead 5
[5] Medicin. lib. viii. c. 4.
The insertion of additions and improvements in the title of new editions of books, has been too generally,
though sometimes justly, understood as little else than a contrivance of the bookseller, to animate a
languishing sale; but this is far from being the case in respect to the works of our author, whose maturer
sentiments on many of the subjects, he had before treated of, cannot be well comprehended, unless by a
careful perusal of his later corrections, seeing the alterations he has thought fit thereby to make in his earlier
productions, are not less necessary to be attended to by the prudent practitioner, than they are really
interesting to the unhappy patient: the truth of which cannot be more manifestly evinced, than by his last
publication of his essays on poisons; wherein he entirely subverts his former hypothesis, and builds his
reasonings upon a new foundation; he also tacitly admits his former experiments to have been too
precipitately made, and the conclusions deduced from them, to have been too hastily drawn.
To illustrate what has been advanced upon this head, it will not be improper to observe, that when Dr. Mead
first wrote these essays, he was of opinion, "That the effect of poisons, especially those of venemous animals,
might be accounted for, by their affecting the blood only: but the consideration of the suddenness of their
mischief, too quick to be brought about in the course of the circulation, (for the bite of a rattle snake killed a
dog in less than a quarter of an hour)[6] together with the nature of the symptoms entirely nervous, induced
him to change his sentiments,[7]" and to conclude, that the poison must be conveyed by a medium of much
greater quickness, which could be no other than the animal spirits.
[6] Philosophical transactions Nº 399.
[7] Introduction to the last edition of the essays on poisons, page 12.
From hence our author is led to prefix to the last edition of this performance, an inquiry into the existence and
nature of this imperceptible fluid, with which we have been but very imperfectly acquainted. He has also
added several new experiments, tending to confirm this theory, and explain the properties of the viperine
venom, particularly by venturing to taste it; at the same time he has likewise contradicted some of those he
had formerly made, whereby he had been induced to believe, this poison partook of a degree of acidity: for
instance, he formerly asserted that he had seen this sanies, "as an acid, turn the blue tincture of heliotropium,
to a red colour;[8]" whereas his more modern trials convinced him, it produced no alteration at all.
[8] Second edition of those essays, page 10.
The essays on the tarantula and mad dog, are likewise considerably enlarged in the last impression; especially
the latter, in which is now comprehended a regular and elegant history of the symptoms attending the bite of
this enraged animal, the reason of the consequent hydrophobia, and more extensive directions for the cure:
also an accurate description of the lichen cinereus terrestris, its efficacy, and manner of acting. A composition
of equal parts of this plant and black pepper, was inserted, at our author's desire, into the London
dispensatory, in the year 1721, under the title of pulvis antilyssus, which he afterwards altered by using two
parts of the former, and only one of the latter, as it now stands: in 1735 he also recommended the use of this
medicine in a loose sheet, intitled, a certain cure for the bite of a mad dog.
In treating of poisonous minerals, exclusive of what is added concerning mercurial unctions, our author has
given a new analysis of the antient and modern arsenic; and his essay on deliterious plants, has afforded him
an opportunity of enquiring into the cicuta, so much in use of old for killing, especially at Athens, and which
is said to have been administered to Socrates in consequence of his condemnation. To this he has likewise
subjoin'd an appendix, concerning the mischievous effects of the simple water distilled from the
lauro-cerasus, or common laurel, which were first observed some years since in Ireland, where, for the sake
of its flavour, it was frequently mixed with brandy His observations upon venemous exhalations, are not less
extended, nor ought the, as well useful as ornamental, plates added to this last edition, to pass unnoticed,
Medica Sacra, by Richard Mead 6
particularly, "The anatomical description of the parts in a viper, and in a rattlesnake, which are concerned in
their poison," by our great anatomist the learned and ingenious Dr. Nichols.
In 1703 Dr. Mead communicated to the royal society, a letter published in Italy in 1687 (a copy of which he
met with in the course of his travels) from Dr. Bonomo to Seignor Redi, containing some observations
concerning the worms of human bodies;[9] whereby it is intended to prove, that the disease, we call the itch,
proceeds merely from the biting of these animalcules: this opinion is espoused by our author in one of his
latest performances,[10] wherein therefore he directs only topical applications for the cure of this troublesome
disease.
[9] An abstract of part of this letter was inserted in the before-cited number of the philosophical transactions.
Vid. supra p. 10.
[10] Monita & præcepta medica, p. 211, &c.
The proofs our young physician had already given of literary merit, recommended him soon after the
above-mentioned communication, to a seat among that learned body; in the same year he was also elected one
of the physicians of St. Thomas's hospital, and was employed by the surgeons company to read anatomical
lectures at their hall, which he continued to do for some years.
In 1704 appeared his treatise de imperio solis ac lunæ in corpora humana, & morbis inde oriundis. At this
time the Newtonian system of philosophy, from whence our author had chiefly deduced his reasonings upon
this abstruse subject, were neither thoroughly understood, nor universally received: nevertheless whatever
cavils were raised against his hypothesis, it was generally admitted, that his observations had their uses in
practice.
The doctor thought proper to revise this juvenile production, and to give a new edition of it in 1748; when he
not only altered the disposition of some of the old, but also introduced more than a little new matter into that
work: particularly he has placed some mathematical points in a clearer light, than they before appeared; he has
entered into the discussion of "a difficult question, which has raised great contention among philosophers: viz.
whereas water is more than eight hundred times heavier than air, how does it happen, that the latter when
replete with watery vapours, depresses the mercury in the barometer; so that its fall is an indication of
rain?[11]" he has also enquired into "the weight of the atmosphere on a human body, and its different pressure
at different times;[12]" and he has illustrated and confirmed the medicinal part by several additional
observations and cases, that promise real utility to the practice of physic. To the whole is now first adjoined a
corollary tending to strengthen his reasonings upon the subject, by observations of the effects of storms on the
human body; wherein, from the case of a lady who was seized in an instant with a gutta serena, (that rendered
her totally blind) on the night of the great storm which happened in 1703, he is led to give a distinct account
of the cause and cure of that melancholly distemper. This work is also remarkably distinguished by many
curious observations our author received from his ingenious preceptor in the art of healing, Dr. Pitcairne.
[11] Stack's translation of the influence of the sun and moon, p. 21.
[12] Ibid. p. 30.
Our author's distinguished genius for, and sedulous attention to the interests of his profession, procured him
an acquisition of farther honours, as well as recommended him to the patronage of the most eminent of the
faculty: in 1707 his Paduan diploma for doctor of physick, was confirmed by the university of Oxford; in
1716 he was elected fellow of the college of physicians, and served all the offices of that learned body, except
that of president, which he declined when offered to him in 1744. Radcliff, the most followed physician of his
day, in a particular manner espoused Dr. Mead, and in 1714, upon the death of the former, the latter succeeded
him in his house, and the greater part of his practice; some years before which, he had quitted Stepney, and
Medica Sacra, by Richard Mead 7
had resided in Austin Fryars.
Party-principles were far from influencing his attachments; though he was himself a zealous whig, he was
equally the intimate of Garth, Arbuthnot, and Friend: his connections, more especially, with the latter, are
manifested not only in their mutual writings, (of which, more hereafter) but in that when Dr. Friend was
committed a prisoner to the Tower in 1723, upon a suggestion of his being concerned in the practices of
Bishop Atterbury against the government, Dr. Mead became one of his securities to procure his enlargement.
In 1719, an epidemic fever made great ravages at Marseilles; and tho' the French physicians were very
unwilling to admit, this disease to have been of foreign extraction or contagious; yet our government wisely
thought it necessary, to consider of such measures as might be the most likely to prevent our being visited by
so dangerous a neighbour; or in failure thereof, to put an early stop to the progress of the infection. Dr. Mead,
whose deserved reputation may not unjustly be said to have merited that mark of distinction, was consulted on
these critical and important points, by command of their excellencies, the lords justices of the kingdom, in his
majesty's absence: how equal he was to this momentous talk, sufficiently appears from the discourse he
published on that occasion: the approbation this performance met with, may be estimated from the reception it
universally found; seven impressions were sold of it in the space of one year, and in the beginning of 1722,
the author gave an eighth, to which he prefixed a long preface, particularly calculated to refute what had been
advanced in France, concerning the absence of contagion in the malady that had afflicted them: he also now
added a more distinct description of the plague, and its causes; and confirmed the utility of the measures he
had recommended, for preventing its extension, from examples of good success, where the same had been put
in practice: to these he has likewise annexed, a short chapter relating to the cure of this deplorable
affliction In 1744, this work was carried to a ninth edition, wherein, to use the doctor's own expression, he
has "here and there added some new strokes of reasoning, and, as the painters say, retouched the ornaments,
and heightened the colouring of the piece." Here it may not be improper to take notice, that it is in this last
impression of his discourse on the plague, that our author appears to have first adopted his theory of the
properties and affections of the nervous fluid, or animal spirits, upon which he has also founded his latter
reasonings on the subject of poisons, as well as in respect to the influence of the sun and moon on human
bodies.
In 1723, Dr. Mead was appointed to speak the anniversary Harveian oration, before the members of the
college of physicians, when, ever studious of the honour of his profession, he applied himself to wipe off the
obloquy, thought to be reflected upon it, by those who maintained the practice of physic at Rome, to have
been confined to slaves or freed-men, and not deemed worthy the attention of an old Roman: which oration
was made publick in 1724, and to it was annexed, a dissertation upon some coins, struck by the Smyrnæans,
in honour of physicians.[13]
[13] Dissertatio de nummis quibusdam, a Smyrnæis, in medicorum honorem, percussis.
This publication was smartly attacked by Dr. Conyers Middleton in 1726,[14] who was replied to by several,
and particularly, as it is said, by Dr. John Ward, professor of rhetoric in Gresham College. This gentleman
was supposed by his opponent, to have been employed by Dr. Mead, who did not chuse to enter personally,
into this little-important debate; upon which presumption, Dr. Middleton published a defence of his former
dissertation in the succeeding year;[15] wherein he treats his respondents with no little contempt.[16] The
merits of this dispute are not intended to be here discussed, but it may not be amiss to observe, that however
displeased Dr. Middleton may have been with his antagonists; in a work published several years after, he
speaks of our author in the most respectful manner. In treating of an antique picture, he says, he believes it to
be the first, and only one of the sort ever brought to England, "donec Meadius noster, artis medicæ decus, qui
vita revera nobilis, vel principibus in republica viris, exemplum præbet, pro eo, quo omnibus fere præstat
artium veterum amore, alias postea quasdam, & splendidiores, opinor, Roma quoque deportandas
curavit."[17]
Medica Sacra, by Richard Mead 8
[14] In a piece entitled, De medicorum apud veteres Romanos degentium conditione dissertatio; contra viros
celeberrimos Jac. Sponium & Rich. Meadium, M.D.D. Servilem atque ignobilem eam fuisse ostenditur,
published in the fourth volume of his works, p. 179.
[15] Dissertationis, &c. contra anonymos quosdam notarum brevium, responsionis atque animadversionis
auctores, desensio, ibid. p. 207.
[16] Speaking of the answer ascribed to Dr. Ward, Dr. Middleton says, quamvis enim nomen suum celavisset,
sensi tamen hominem e rhetorum turba conductum esse oportere; cui scilicet generi concessum novimus,
omnia tragice ornare, augere, ementiri: is mihi solum scrupulus restabat, quod in ejus quidem sermone, nihil
plane, quod rhetorem oleret, nihil venustatis, nihil ornatùs, sed inculta potiùs omnia nec satis latina
invenirem.
Hujusmodi itaque scriptorem, haud magis quam alterum illum (cui neutiquam sane eum anteserendam
censeo) cogitatione ulla mea aut animadversione dignum judicassem; ni hanc potissimum hominem a
clarissimo Meadio ad hoc respondendi munus delectum; librumque ipsum ejusdem cura & sumptibus in lucem
emissam; amicisque suis manu propria inscriptum & dono a Meadio ipso missum intellixissem.
[17] Germana quædam antiquitatis erudita monumenta, &c. first published in 1745, and inserted in the
before-cited volume of his works, p. 2.
In respect to this controversy, our author's eulogist[18] takes notice that there is reason to believe, that Dr.
Mead himself had some thoughts of more determinately explaining or confirming his sentiments upon this
subject, in a work which he left unfinished, and which was designed to have been intitled, medicina vetus
collectitia ex auctoribus antiquis non medicis.
[18] The ingenious Dr. Maty, who in his journal britannique (a work not less useful than entertaining) for the
months of July and August 1754, has inserted a piece, which he titles, eloge du docteur Richard Mead,
composed, as himself takes notice, from materials communicated to him by Mr. Birch; to which piece these
memoirs are obliged for some anecdotes relating to our learned author.
However, this literary altercation, did not in the least affect our author's medical reputation, for in 1727, soon
after his present Majesty's accession to the throne, whom he had the honour to serve in the same capacity
while prince of Wales, he was appointed one of the royal physicians, and he had the happiness to see his two
sons-in-law, Dr. Willmot and Dr. Nichols, his co-adjutors in that eminent station.
After having spent near fifty years in the constant hurry of an extensive and successful practice; after having
lived (truely according to his own motto, non sibi sed toti) beyond that period assigned by the royal psalmist
for the general term of mortality; when the infirmities of age would no longer permit him the free exercise of
those faculties, which he had hitherto so advantageously employed in the service of the community, far from
sinking into a supine indolence, or assuming a supercilious disregard of the world, he still continued his
application, even in the decline of life, to the improvement of physic, and the benefit of mankind.
When he was grown unequal to the discharge of more active functions, and a retirement was become
absolutely necessary, he took the opportunity of revising all his former writings: to this retreat therefore, and
the happy protraction of so useful a life, the world is indebted for the improvements that appear in the latter
editions of those works, which have already been taken notice of. It was not till now that our author could find
leisure to perfect his discourse on the small pox and measles,[19] which had been begun by him many years
before.
[19] De variolis & morbillis 1747.
Medica Sacra, by Richard Mead 9
As it was the principal design of these memoirs, to lay before the public a concise and comprehensive history
of Dr. Mead's writings, the occasion of this universally admired performance, cannot be better given than
from the author's own account, contained in the preface to it, in which also his connections with, and
attachment to Dr. Friend, are further illustrated.
It appears that Dr. Mead, from having observed in the year 1708, that some of his patients in St. Thomas's
Hospital, recovered from a very malignant sort of the small pox, even beyond expectation, by a looseness
seizing them on the ninth or tenth day of the disease, and sometimes earlier, first took the hint to try what
might be done by opening the body with a gentle purge, on the decline of the distemper; finding the success of
this experiment in a great measure answerable to his wishes, he communicated this method of practice to Dr.
Friend, and met with his approbation.
The latter being, soon after, called to a consultation with two other eminent physicians, on the case of a young
nobleman who lay dangerously ill of the small pox, proposed our author's method; this was opposed till the
fourteenth day from the eruption, when the case appearing desperate, they consented to give him a gentle
laxative draught; which had a very good effect: Dr. Friend was of opinion to repeat it, but was over-ruled, and
the patient died the seventh day after.[20]
[20] Friendi opera, p. 263.
From the result of this case, the gentlemen of the faculty were greatly divided in opinion, as to the rectitude of
this practice, insomuch that Dr. Friend thought himself under a necessity of vindicating it; and therefore sent
to our author for the purport of their former conversation upon this topic, desiring it might be reduced into
writing. Such was the friendship that mutually subsisted between these learned men, that this request was
granted without hesitation, and Dr. Mead's letter was shewn to Dr. Radcliffe, who prevailed upon our author to
consent, that the same might be annexed to Dr. Friend's intended defence; which, however he was advised by
some friends, to drop at that time; whereby this letter lay by till the latter's publication of the first and third
books of Hippocrates's epidemics, illustrated with nine commentaries concerning fevers. Of these the seventh
treats of purging in the putrid fever, which follows upon the confluent small pox: to which are annexed, in
support of this opinion, letters from four physicians on that subject, and among them that from our author,
which he had translated from the english into latin, enlarged and new modelled to serve this purpose.
This work gave rise to a controversy, maintained with an unbecoming warmth on both sides: among Dr.
Friend's principal opponents, may be reckoned Dr. Woodward; who, not contented with condemning a
practice, experience has since evinced not only salutary in general, but in many cases absolutely necessary;
likewise treated its favourers with contempt and ill-manners, and more particularly our author;[21] whose
resentment upon this occasion, appears to have been carried to a justly exceptionable length, seeing it had not
subsided twenty years after the death of his antagonist.[22]
[21] The state of physic, by John Woodward, M.D. printed in 1718.
[22] "In the front of this band stood forth Dr. John Woodward, physic professor at Gresham College, a man
equally ill-bred, vain, and ill-natured; who, after being for some time apprentice to a linnen-draper, took it into
his head to make a collection of shells and fossils, in order to pass upon the world for a philosopher; thence
getting admission into a physician's family, at length, by dint of interest, obtained a doctor's degree." Preface
to the discourse on the small pox, &c. p. 8, &c.
Dr. Mead's daily acquisition of knowledge and experience, enabled him to enlarge to many beneficial
purposes, this performance, which, in all probability, was at first designed only to illustrate and vindicate the
sentiments contained in the aforementioned letter; and it is but justice to say, the applause it has found among
the learned, as well for the elegance of its diction, as the perspicuity of its precepts, is no more than what is
truely due to it To this discourse is subjoin'd a latin translation, from the arabic of Rhazes's treatise on the
Medica Sacra, by Richard Mead 10
small pox and measles, a copy of the original having been obtained for this purpose by Dr. Mead, from the
celebrated Boerhaave, between whom there had long subsisted an intimate correspondence, nor did their
reciprocally differing in some opinions, diminish the friendship they mutually manifested for each other.
The year 1749, furnished two new productions from our author; a translation of one of which follows these
memoirs. The other is entitled, a discourse on the scurvy, affixed to Mr. Sutton's second edition of his method
for extracting the foul air out of ships.
It is more than possible that, but, for the patronage of Dr. Mead, this contrivance, which confers no less
honour to the inventor, than utility to the public, might have been for ever stifled: our author, than whom no
one more ardently wished for, or more zealously promoted the glory and interest of his country, being
thoroughly convinced of its efficacy, so earnestly, and so effectually recommended it to the lords of the
admiralty, as to prevail over the obstinate opposition that was made against its being put into practice. To the
same purpose in 1742, he explained the nature and conveniencies of this invention to the royal society,[23]
and with the same view he confessedly wrote the last mentioned discourse, of which he made a present to Mr.
Sutton.
[23] In a paper read before the royal society, Feb. 11, 1741-2, and published in Mr. Sutton's account, page 41.
He also presented a model of this invention made in copper to the royal society, which cost him 200l.
His medical precepts and cautions, which appeared in 1751, and was his last publication, affords an
indisputable testimony, that length of years had not in the least impaired his intellectual faculties. Our author
has herein furnished the public, with the principal helps against most diseases which he had either learned by
long practice, or deduced from rational principles.[24] Who could with the same propriety take upon himself
to be an instructor and legislator in the medical world, as he who had been taught to distinguish truth from
falsehood, in the course of so extended an experience, protracted now to almost threescore years? to this may
be added, that he has so contrived to blend the utile dulci, by embellishing his precepts with all the delicacy of
polite expression, as to render them at the same time not less entertaining than instructive.
[24] Preface to the monita & præcepta medica, p. 1.
However, this work was productive of two other little pieces, from two gentlemen of the faculty: one by Dr.
Summers; who in a pamphlet on the success of warm bathing in paralytic cases, controverts Dr. Mead's
assertion, that "hot bathing is prejudicial to all paralytics" "calidæ vero immersiones omnibus paralyticis
nocent[25]." Some reflections upon the advocates for Mrs. Stephens's medicines, in the cure of the stone and
gravel, by our author, occasioned a letter to him on that subject by Dr. Hartley of Bath. The former expressed
himself in the following manner; "Neque temperare mihi possum, quin dicam in opprobrium nuper medicis
nonnullis cessisse, quod insano pretio redimendi anile remedium magnatibus auctores fuerunt.[26]" "Nor
can I forbear observing, tho' I am extremely sorry for the occasion, that some gentlemen of the faculty a few
years since acted a part much beneath their characters, first in suffering themselves to be imposed on, and then
in encouraging the legislature to purchase an old woman's medicine at an exorbitant price."[27] Of this the
latter complains as an unmerited indignity, "Illud interea (inquit) tanquem inopinatum, & ab æquitate tua
alienum queri liceat, TE, qui in obvios quoscunque comis & urbanus esse, bene autem merentibus de re
medica, vel etiam literaria quavis, summa cum benignitate favere soleas, in lithrontriptici fautores acerbiùs
invectum fuisse; & non potius laudi illis dedisse, quod arcanum sine pretio vulgatum, virorum dignitate, fide,
ingenio, artis nostræ peritiâ illustrium examini subjecerent, neque aliam viam ad præmium reportandum
aperiri voluerint, quam quæ, veris licèt rerum inventoribus facilis & munita, jactatoribus tamen & falsiloquis
esset impervia.[28]" In the mean while, I cannot but complain of it as a thing unexpected, and greatly
inconsistent with your usual candour, that YOU, who are so courteous and humane to all mankind, and so
remarkably the patron of those who excel in the profession of physic, or indeed in any branch of learning,
should so severely reproach the favourers of this lithontriptic medicine; and not rather have commended them,
for submitting a secret, communicated to them without fee or reward, to the examination of some worthy
Medica Sacra, by Richard Mead 11
physicians, eminent for integrity, ingenuity, and learning: and for endeavouring to excite the munificence of
the publick in such a manner only, as to render it accessible to the true authors of an important discovery, but
impervious to boasting impostors.
[25] Monita & præcepta, p. 62, and Stack's translation of the same, p. 69.
[26] Our author's disapprobation of this medicine and its favourers, is no less severely express in his treatise
concerning the influence of the sun and moon upon human bodies, p. 100.
[27] Monita, &c. medica, and Stack's translation, p. 174 and 197.
[28] Ad virum clarissimum Ric. Mead, M.D. Epistolæ, varias lithontripticum, Joannæ Stephens exhibendi
methodos indicans. Auctore Davide Hartley, A.M. p. 3.
In enumerating the obligations the republic of letters is under to Dr. Mead, it would be injustice to omit taking
notice, that to his generosity and public spirit, it is farther indebted for the first complete edition of the
celebrated history of Thuanus.[29]
[29] Published in seven volumes folio 1733, by Samuel Buckley, under the sanction of an act of parliament.
To enlarge upon his literary collections, and other curiosities, would at present be useless, seeing the world
will soon be apprized of their value and contents from the catalogues that are already, and are yet about to be
published of them; it may therefore suffice to say, that he did not shew more assiduity and judgment in
collecting them, than he did candour and generosity in permitting the use of them to all that were competent
judges, or that could benefit themselves, or the public by them.
It may, perhaps not unjustly, be said no Subject in Europe had a cabinet so richly and so judiciously filled; to
which the correspondence he maintained with the learned in all parts of Europe, not a little contributed; nor
can there be an higher instance given of his reputation in this respect, than in the king of Naples having sent
him the two first volumes of M. Bajurdi's account of the antiquities found in Herculaneum, with the additional
compliment of asking in return, only, a compleat collection of our author's works, to which was adjoined, an
invitation to visit that newly discovered subterraneous city: an invitation that could not but be greatly pleasing
to a genius so inquisitive after knowledge, and which he declared, he should very gladly have embraced, had
not his advanced years been an insuperable impediment, to the gratification of his curiosity. In short, his
character abroad was so well known and established, that a foreigner of any taste, would have thought it a
reproach to him, to have been in England without seeing Dr. Mead.
As his knowledge was not limited only to his profession, the deserving in all sciences had not only free access
to him, but always found a welcome reception, and at his table might daily be seen together the naturalist, the
antiquarian, the mathematician, and the mechanic, with all whom he was capable of conversing in their
respective terms; here might be seen united the magnificence of a prince, with the pleasures of the wise.
His munificence was conspicuous in that there was no remarkable publick charity to which he was not a
benefactor, particularly he was one of the earliest promoters of, and subscribers to the Foundling hospital.
Let these specimens of his superior abilities and merit suffice for the present, nor let envy or detraction
attempt to sully so exalted a character Soon after the publication of his monita & præcepta medica, this
ornament of his profession, and delight of his acquaintance, grew more and more sensible of the natural
infirmities attending his length of years; and with the utmost tranquillity and resignation, quietly sunk into the
arms of death on the 16th of February 1754. To whom may, with the greatest propriety, be applied a part of
the epitaph inscribed to the memory of the celebrated Guicciardini, at Florence;
Medica Sacra, by Richard Mead 12
Cujus Otium an Negotium Gloriosius incertum: Nisi Otii Lumen Negotii Famam Clariorem reddidisset.
The END.
THE PREFACE.
My declining years having in a great measure released me from those medical fatigues, in which, for the
publick good, (at least as I hope) I have been employed about fifty years, I have determined to pass the short
remains of life in such a sort of leisure, as may prove neither disagreeable to myself, nor useless to others. For
good men are of opinion, that we must give an account even of our idle hours, and therefore thought it
necessary, that they should be always well-spent.
Having from my earliest childhood entertained a strong passion for learning, after I had chosen the art of
medicine for my profession, I still never intermitted my literary studies; to which I had recourse from time to
time, as to refreshments strengthening me in my daily labours, and charming my cares. Thus, among other
subjects, I frequently read the holy scriptures, as becomes a christian; and next to those things which regard
eternal life, and the doctrine of morality, I usually gave particular attention to the histories of diseases, and the
various ailments therein recorded; comparing those with what I had learnt either from medical writers or my
own experience. And this I did the more willingly, because I had remarked that divines, thro' an
unacquaintance with medicinal knowledge, frequently differed widely in their sentiments; especially on the
subject of dæmoniacs cured by the power of our saviour Jesus Christ. For it is the opinion of many, that these
were really possessed with devils, and that his divine virtue shone forth in nothing more conspicuous than in
expelling them. I am very far from having the least intention to undermine the foundations of the christian
doctrine, or to endeavour, by a perverse interpretation of the sacred oracles, to despoil the Son of God of his
divinity, which he has demonstrated by so many and great works performed contrary to the laws of nature.
Truth stands no more in need of the patronage of error, than does a natural good complexion of paint. And it is
certain, that the opinion which has been prevalent for many ages, of the power granted to devils, of torturing
human bodies and minds, has been several ways made subservient to the subtle designs of crafty men, to the
very great detriment and shame of the christian religion.
What sensible man can avoid justly deriding those solemn ceremonies, practised by the roman priests, in
exorcising, as they are fond of terming it, dæmoniacs: while proper persons (hired and) taught to counterfeit
certain gestures and fits of fury, such as are believed to be caused by evil spirits, pretend that they are freed
from devils, and restored to their senses by holy water, and certain prayers, as by inchantment. But these
juggling tricks, how grosly soever they may impose on the eyes and minds of the ignorant multitude, not only
scandalize, but also do a real injury to, men of greater penetration. For such, seeing into the cheat, often rush
headlong into impiety; and viewing all sacred things in the same light, after they have learnt
Relligionibus atque minis obsistere vatum:[30]
[30] Lucret. Lib. i. ver. 110.
they advance farther, and by an abominable effort, endeavour thoroughly to root out of their minds all sense
and fear of the supreme deity. In which proceeding they act as if a person doubted of the existence of the
Indies, because travellers relate many falshoods and fictions concerning them. Hence it comes to pass, that, in
countries too much given up to superstition, very many atheists are to be met with even among the learned,
whom their learning and knowledge ought to secure from these errors. Therefore to be free from this folly, is
the principal part of wisdom; next to which, is not to corrupt truth with fictitious opinions.
And indeed it is frequently to me a matter of wonder, why our spiritual guides so strenuously insist on
exhibiting devils on the stage, in order to make the divinity of Christ triumph over these infernal enemies. Is
Christ's divine power less manifested by the cure of the most grievous diseases, performed in an instant at his
Medica Sacra, by Richard Mead 13
command; than by the expulsion of evil spirits out of the bodies of men? Certainly all the wonderful things
done by him for the good of mankind, such as restoring sight to the blind, firmness and flexibility to relaxed
or contracted nerves, calling the dead to life, changing the properties of the elements, and others of the same
kind, are testimonies of the omnipotence of the creator of the world, and demonstrate the presence of God;
who alone commands all nature, and at his pleasure changes and inverts the order of things established by
himself. Wherefore it cannot be doubted, that He, who has perform'd these things, had the devils subject to
him, that they might not obstruct his gracious resolution of revealing the will of his father to men, and
correcting their depraved morals.
But to resume the subject of dæmoniacs, the opinion, which I propose in this treatise, is not purely my own,
but also of several other persons, before me, eminent for piety and learning. And indeed among our own
countrymen, it was in the last century defended in an excellent dissertation, by that treasure of sacred
knowledge, the reverend Joseph Mead. Wherefore as I have the honour to be of the same family with him, and
am the son of Matthew Mead, a very able divine, I always thought I might lay some claim to these studies, by
a kind of hereditary right.
I am not insensible of the difficulty of removing vulgar errors, especially those which relate to religion. For
every body knows the power of education, in imprinting on the mind notions, which are hard to be effaced
even in adult age. Children in the dark, fear ghosts and hobgoblins; and hence often quake with the same fear
through the whole course of their lives. Why then do we admire, if we can hardly unlearn, and clear our minds
of, some false notions, even when we are advancing to old age? Nor will this be deemed indeed a matter of
little importance by him, who considers the serious evils, into which mankind are often led, by things that to
some may appear trifling, as being nothing more than bugbears of children and women. My soul is seized with
horror on recollecting, how many millions of innocent persons have been condemned to the flames in various
nations, since the birth of Christ, upon the bare suspicion of witchcraft: while the very judges were perhaps
either blinded by vain prejudices, or dreaded the incensed populace, if they acquitted those, whom the mob
had previously adjudged guilty. Who would believe that any man in his right senses could boast, as a matter
of merit, that he had capitally condemned about nine hundred persons for witchcraft, in the space of fifteen
years, in the sole dutchy of Lorraine?[31] And yet from many histories, which he relates of those who
suffered, it manifestly appears, that every individual of these criminals, had no compacts with devils, as they
themselves imagined, but were really mad, so as openly to confess that they had done such feats as are
impossible in the nature of things. But so it happens, that error generally begets superstition, and superstition
cruelty. Wherefore I most heartily rejoice, that I have lived to see all our laws relating to witchcraft entirely
abolished: whereas foreign states still retain this barbarous cruelty, and with various degrees of obstinacy in
proportion to their ignorance of natural causes. And it is but too true, that the doctrine of dæmons is so
understood by the vulgar, as if the devil was to be esteemed a sort of deity; or at least, that, laying the fear of
him aside, no divine worship can well subsist; altho' the apostle has expresly said; For this purpose the Son of
God was manifested, that he might destroy the works of the devil.[32]
[31] See Nic. Remigii Dæmonolatreia.
[32] John. Ep. i. Chap. iii. ver. 8.
And here it may not be improper, once for all, to inform the reader, that I have generally made use of
Sebastian Castalio's version of the bible, because, upon collating it in many places, I found it to be not only
excellent Latin, but also very accurate, and particularly well adapted to the sense and meaning of the words in
the Hebrew and Greek.
Nor can I refrain from declaring, that I have not writ these essays for the profane or vulgar; but for those only
who are well versed, or at least initiated in theological or medical studies: and for this reason I chose to
publish it in Latin; which language has for many ages past been made use of by learned men; in order to
communicate to each other, whatsoever might seem to them either new, or expressed in a different manner
Medica Sacra, by Richard Mead 14